What follows is not predictive of how this war will turn out. Seven fallacies of press and pundits are discussed. If you are employing one or more, consider reformulating your argument.
Myth 1. The press, and various open source authorities, such as retired military, voice strong and contradictory opinions at how this war is going. The data required to inform these opinions is not available in open source. Political spin dominates. What about the war planners who have the data? Their accuracy is impaired by the chaos of war. Some time before the last battle, when things become obvious, four trends are possible:
- We’re winning, and we know it.
- We’re losing, and we know it.
- We’re winning, but we think we’re losing.
- We’re losing, but we think we’re winning.
Those who think their predictions are so accurate as to certainly be among the first two should review their records of the Ukraine conflict.
To evaluate the military effort, the first data required are air attack attrition rates of launchers, missiles, and drones, per day, and remaining stockpiles, including error bars. If the data is good, it can be used to game further options, possibly revealing a path to a positive strategic outcome.
Myth 2. U.S. objectives can be achieved without regime change. A popular phrase associated with U.S. objectives is “once and for all“, permanent de-nuclearization and de-missilization.
This myth results from a confusion of physical infrastructure with mental infrastructure. It is feasible to raze the industrial base of Iran; it is not feasible to nullify Iran’s work force. Engineering is a very high status profession in Iran, even more than in the U.S. How long would it take to build new infrastructure, considering China would sell them brand new factories on easy credit?
The answer comes from China itself. In 1972, when Nixon visited China, that country had political impediments to economic development far more severe than Iran today. It was frozen in a Maoist orthodoxy that prohibited economic development. In 1978, when Deng Xiaoping assumed power, capital accumulation was finally encouraged. In 2010, only 32 years later, the industrial output of China passed the U.S. But China lacked Iran’s skilled work force, so razing Iran’s industrial and military infrastructure would buy at most a decade.
Myth 3. “Imminent threat” is the proper measure to determine the validity of U.S. deployments. When a threat becomes imminent, it is is often too late to prevent serious consequences.
Myth 4. The Strait of Hormuz is irreplaceable in world commerce. See New Pipelines for the Middle East; Bypassing the Strait of Hormuz . Some commentators have pointed out that other bulk commodities, such as fertilizer and petrochemicals, also transit the strait. In the U.S. all bulk commodities other than oil, and some oil too, go by rail. Is it difficult to build a railroad in Arabia? Before World War I, the Turks built the 810 mile Hejaz railway on the west side of the Arabian peninsula, which ran from Damascus to Medina. A freight line on the east side of the peninsula, along with pipelines, to Salalah in Oman, would devalue the strait.
Myth 5 (possible). A quick end to hostilities, even if Iran is left with considerable capacity to regenerate, is preferable to a drawn-out conflict. This is driven by blockage of the Strait. If the Strait is devalued, we can take our time and options open up, with opportunity for Kissinger’s diplomacy backed by force. The longer the time frame, the more possible regime change becomes.
Myth 6. Bypassing the Strait with pipelines and freight rail is too expensive. It’s actually much cheaper than fighting a war: $10M/mile for a pipeline, $5M/mile for a single freight track. You do the math.
Myth 7. Iranians can overthrow their captors without guns. Anchors conditioned by senseless gun violence in the U.S. barely manage to sputter “and guns” at the end of their homilies. I got over this by sheer force of logic. You can too.
